Familiarizing International Laws

All this activity, as hale as various incursions that continue in Africa, despite oblige 2(4) of the UN Charter: "All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or subprogram of force against the territorial virtue or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations" (208). However, as our text points out (208) the record of ears since the end of World warf are II has been dismal, at best. The Cold War, and its apex, the Cuban Missile Crisis gave the U.S. opportunities to call this Article for advancing its "democratic" principles versus the socialist aims of the then-USSR. Perhaps the number 1 question of territorial rights began with the Berlin Airlift, where Berlin, an island within the Communist-controlled East Germany, became a outcome for constant supply planes from the West, supplying the beleaguered city.

It is important to n star that the UN does not forbid or censure the use of arms in self-defense. But, sometimes this is a highly politically-motivated situation, as in the Balkans and, for sure South Vietnam. Yet, because of the possibility of a veto by one of the great powers in the UN Security Council, the first and only in truth successful UN use of force (until Kosovo) was in South Korea in 1950. But, perhaps the reason the UN was unified was that mainland China did not sire a member nation yet, and Russia boycotted the Security Council" (210).

There is one area which needs advertise exploration and development, perhaps intervention and oversight, by an international torso: the environment. But, despite warnings around that hole in our atmosphere, the dire complaints approximately the denuding of rain forests in Brazil and the entire Amazon region, the begrime air in Indonesia, Mexico, and Japan, little tough action has been interpreted in terms of international law. One reason for a lack of a solid legal motion is that the oceans, air, and Antarctica are considered "international regimes", namely

The many wars, not to mention incidents of genocide, in various African states seem to be ignored by the UN, in terms of any sort of intervention.

The disastrous act by the US to intervene in Somalia (graphically depicted in the film "Black Hawk Down") is stark deduction that, unless there is a truly concerted international effort to halt hostilities, only disaster and an enormous loss of career ensues. Why does the UN not get involved (other than its Health arm) in Africa's genocidal wars? Because, they seem to be considered internal matters, tribal and territorial disputes and traditionalistic hatred within the borders of one nation, and therefore, some rationalize, not throw to UN intervention.

The U.S. and Kuwait, along with the half-hearted support of other Gulf nations, certainly snarl that the 1991 Gulf War was justified, both to repel the incursion of Kuwait, and to foster the economic and political viability of the entire region. There seem to defend been moirT doubted, on the part of the international community, perhaps spearheaded by France and Germany, that the use of armed force this past month in the " unloose" of Iraq from Saddam Hussein's virulent dictatorial powers was also legally justified.

Our lectures and countersign in class prove one thing about international law: It is difficult, if not impossible, to satisfy everyone all the time. The flesh before a U.S. court house usually shows a bli
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